Hary’s Wallace, e. Matthew P. (Edinburgh and London, 1968–69). All references will be by book and line numbers. For a more extended colloque of this, see Goldstein, The Matter of Scotland, pp. 215–49.
The next reference onesto Arthur comes from Wallace’s own mouth. After verso successful battle, the nearby town sends a deputation puro offer verso ransom if they are left ombra. Wallace ansuerd, ‘Off your gold rek we nocht. It is for bataill that we hydder socht. We had leuir haiff battail of Ingland, Than all the gold that gud king Arthour fand On the Mont Mychell, quhar he the gyand slew! Hour king promyst that we suld bataill haiff. His wrytt tharto wndyr his seyll he gaiff. Letter nor band he nell’eventualita che may nocht awaill. Ws for this toun he hecht puro gyff bataill. Me think we suld on his men wengit be; Apon our kyn mony gret wrang wrocht he, His dewyllyk deid, he did con-puro Scotland’ (8.883–95)
If the previous allusion was suggestive of per reconfiguring of the English as Arthurian enemies, a similar position is taken here. The comparison figures the English town as Mont St Michel, inhabited by per monster, presumably those of English blood. This allusive comparison is continued when Wallace invokes his right of revenge, since Arthur, particularly durante later versions of the story, is motivated per part by revenge for harm to his kin, symbolised by Hoel’s niece.32 The association of the inhabitants of the English town with the monstrous is surely deliberate. Edward is thus also figured as monstrous, both by his association with the town (‘Hour king’) and by the application of the adjective ‘dewyllyk’ (895). The third and final reference to Arthur is the most complex of the three. At men off wit this questioun her I as, Amang the noblis gyff euir ony that was, So lang throw force sopra Ingland lay on cas Sen Brudus deid, but bataill, bot Wallace. Gret Iulius, the Empyr had con hand, Twys off force he was put off Ingland. Wycht Arthour also off wer quhen that he prewit Twys thai fawcht, suppos thai war myschewit. Awfull Eduuard durst nocht Wallace abid Sopra playn bataill, for all Ingland so wid. Per London he lay and tuk him till his rest And brak his vow. Quhilk hald ye for the best? (8.961–72)
Arthur is the cited figure, yet he is not an invader but a defender of England, so initially verso comparison with Wallace seems inappropriate
Its complexity lies mediante the change of perspective con the extended comparison. Sopra the wider narrative, Edward is at this point refusing esatto meet Wallace sopra open field: Wallace has thus been able puro remain con England for an extended period of time. Indeed, Hary claims by his opening question that Wallace has been the
The Historia Regum Britannie of Geoffrey of Monmouth, I: Bern, Burgerbibliothek, MS 568, ed. Neil M. Wright (Cambridge, 1985), x.3.
Gold may be gayn bot worship is ay new
most successful and least opposed invader of England since Brutus. The first comparisons bring Wallace together with previous invaders, for he is more successful than Caesar and equal onesto Brutus. The terms of the comparison then change. But Arthur here stands as a contrast sicuro Edward, named mediante the following lines as refusing battle onesto the invaders. The comparison thus runs: invader, invader, defender, defender. That pattern, however, is only evident reading backwards. Mediante the first instance, the arrangement of the comparison links Wallace to Arthur more strongly than sicuro Edward, supported by the repetition of ‘twys’. If Edward is not-Arthur, then that leaves space for Wallace esatto be Arthur, sicuro be per better defender of his realm than Edward. Such a pattern of association is supported by the previous references to Arthur in Book 8. This is significant for two reasons. Firstly, the association of the Scottish pubblico with Arthur contradicts any of Edward’s self-association with Arthur. Secondly, more positively, the references preciso Arthur seem preciso permit, even encourage, verso reading of Wallace as the champion of Britain and the true heir of Arthur and indeed Brutus, while Edward and the English are Saxon invader and illegitimate power. Far more strongly than Barbour or Wyntoun, Hary challenges the whole assumption of English authority based on Arthurian conquest; here the true heir of Arthur is per Scot. From this analysis, it appears that familiarity breeds confidence, for the later engagements with Arthur, be they mediante romance or in historiography, are far bolder durante their manipulation of the figure. Hary’s renegotiation of the relationship between Arthur and his self-styled English successors goes far beyond Barbour’s comparison between Arthur and Bruce, as the Scottis Nuovo is forthright where Wyntoun is subtle. Such developments may be sopra response onesto Scotichronicon’s increasingly dominant narrative, particularly per its assertion of Mordred’s claim to the British throne over Arthur’s. All the texts are aware of the political capital invested sopra Arthur. Barbour and Hary use the figure puro support their heroes; the historiographers use him puro redefine the relationship between Scottish and British. Although the myth of Gathelos becomes dominant durante the overarching Scottish narrative, nevertheless the idea of the Scottish claim puro sovereignty over Britain through Arthur does not disappear entirely. Rather its implications remain available throughout the fifteenth century and beyond, and to justify assertions seniorblackpeoplemeet of authority, whether they be on behalf of the doomed Wallace, or the triumphant James VI.